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The Mexican Miracle was a period of high and sustained economic development in Mexico from 1940 to 1970, achieved through a model known as the "Desarrollo Estabilizador" or Stabilizing Development. This model aimed for economic stability to foster continuous, sustainable growth, and was implemented across the presidencies of Adolfo Ruiz Cortínez, Adolfo López Mateos, and Gustavo Díaz Ordaz. While its impact on Mexican history is undeniable, discussions about its broader influence on education, politics, and society continue today.
To understand the context leading up to this "miracle," we must look at the decade of the 1930s, just before this economic boom. For instance, the fifth population census was conducted in 1930, recognized as one of Mexico's most well-planned and executed. Later that decade, in September 1930, radio station XCW AM began broadcasting in Mexico City, signifying a growing media landscape.
Globally, the Great Depression significantly impacted Mexico during the 1930s, albeit not with the same severity as other nations. A key consequence was the drastic reduction in U.S. imports, which directly affected Mexico's foreign trade. While the depression began to recede by mid-decade, its lasting impression on the national consciousness was profound. Furthermore, the founding of the National Polytechnic Institute in the late 1930s had a notable impact on university autonomy and technological advancement in the country.
A pivotal moment in Mexican history, occurring before the Stabilizing Development period, was the nationalization of petroleum in 1938 under President Lázaro Cárdenas. This act was championed as a move to ensure that the Mexican people were the sole owners of their energy resources, a principle Cárdenas famously declared as "not one step back." However, he also cautioned that future "bad Mexicans" might attempt to hand over these resources to foreign investors again.
The Cárdenas era also saw significant social and political reforms aimed at benefiting the common people, notably through large-scale land redistribution and the expropriation of petroleum, electricity, and agricultural industries. Cárdenas is often seen as a symbol of Mexican nationalism, demonstrating how government intervention could address historical inequalities. Yet, these reforms can also be viewed from a different perspective as excessively radical or unnecessary by some.
Prior to the Stabilizing Development, the economy was largely dependent on agriculture and mineral exports, with industrialization focused on basic consumer goods. This period was marked by political and economic instability, leading to recurring crises and limited foreign investment due to uncertainty and protectionist policies. Insufficient infrastructure also hampered economic progress, contributing to widespread poverty and social inequality.
The economic strategy during the administrations of Manuel Ávila Camacho, Miguel Alemán, and Adolfo Ruiz Cortínez shifted to import substitution. This period experienced sustained growth but also notable inflation, meaning prices for goods increased. A crucial element was the collaboration between the public and private sectors, vital for constructing infrastructure and factories. This alliance fostered a mixed economy where both government and businesses contributed to production, laying essential groundwork for the subsequent success of the Stabilizing Development model.
On the political front, the decade of the 1930s was not without its turbulence. On February 5, 1930, an assassination attempt occurred against President Pascual Ortiz Rubio precisely on the day he was inaugurated at the National Stadium. Though his injuries were not fatal, this event symbolized a challenging start to his term, foreshadowing potential future difficulties.
The year following the assassination attempt, 1931, saw the promulgation of Mexico's first Labor Law. This comprehensive legislation regulated nearly all major aspects of labor law, including individual, collective, administrative, and procedural matters. Proposed by former president Emilio Portes Gil, it complemented Article 123 of the Constitution concerning union formation and also stipulated that family debts could not exceed a worker's monthly salary, encouraging more careful financial decision-making.
The twenty years leading up to the Mexican Miracle were a dynamic period for education, marked by significant shifts in direction. With multiple presidents and interim leaders, each holding different educational ideologies, the country faced constant instability and uncertainty regarding its educational future. This era saw figures like Obregón, who implemented scholarships and school lunches, and Vasconcelos, who championed nationalist education, literacy campaigns, cultural missions, and investments in arts and libraries, aiming to uplift the nation's intellectual standing.
However, the educational landscape was also shaped by conflict. President Calles, though primarily remembered for his dispute with the clergy and the Cristero War, during which many teachers were persecuted, also established schools for orphans and a veterinary medical school. His approach, while firm in reducing the Church's influence, was controversial. This period was followed by the Maximato, where Plutarco Elías Calles maintained de facto control, demonstrating his enduring power.
Education experienced a pause in significant advancements until the arrival of General Lázaro Cárdenas, who aimed to reshape the country and its educational system. A particularly significant event was Vasconcelos's poignant speech upon assuming the rectorship of the National University of Mexico in 1920, describing the state of education as a "most stupendous ignorance" that had devastated and corrupted it. He lamented the "miserable jefatura" he was to undertake.
The onset of World War II in the 1940s brought global devastation, with widespread casualties, famine, and labor shortages. Yet, in Mexico during this decade, the country distinguished itself on the world stage through its economic, political, and intellectual development. President Ávila Camacho, known as the "gentleman president," committed to religious freedom.
Artistically, 1940 marked the emergence of the International Surrealism Exhibition in Mexico, introducing the country to this artistic movement. André Breton himself declared Mexico the most surrealist country in the world, while Cantinflas dominated Mexican cinema. Simultaneously, Mexico was poised to share its music globally with the song "Bésame Mucho," which would go on to have over a thousand versions in more than 20 languages.
In a significant political move, Mexico declared a state of war in 1942, a decision unanimously approved by the Chamber of Deputies on May 28th, officially establishing the state of war as of May 22nd, 1942. This led to the creation of the Mexican Social Security Institute, or IMSS, in 1943, which played a crucial role in providing health and social services to Mexican citizens.
The end of World War II in 1945 brought about profound geopolitical shifts and ushered in the post-war era. Following this, Miguel Alemán Valdés assumed the presidency in 1946, a period characterized by rapid modernization and economic growth aimed at combating inflation through increased agricultural and industrial production via import substitution. Alemán was a key figure within the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) and significantly shaped Mexico's policies during this time.
A landmark achievement for gender equality occurred in 1947 when women in Mexico gained the right to vote, a significant step towards political representation. By 1948, Mexico became a member of the Organization of American States (OAS), strengthening its ties with other nations in the Americas and ostensibly working towards peace, security, and development through political processes.
The 1950s in Mexico witnessed substantial economic and social transformations, including a notable economic boom. This decade was marked by consistent industrial growth, with President Ávila Camacho playing a role in solidifying the domestic market, which bolstered the production of everyday resources. However, despite this growth, significant economic disparities persisted, with the benefits not reaching the poorest segments of society, leading to rising tensions.
The decree allowing women to vote and be elected to office was finally published in the Official Gazette of the Federation on October 17, 1953. Consequently, women across the country participated for the first time in federal elections in 1955, marking a crucial advancement.
The 1960s were a transcendental decade for Mexico, characterized by frequent strikes and protests met with increasingly strong government repression. Student movements of the 1960s represent a particularly dark chapter, culminating in the Tlatelolco Massacre in 1968, where hundreds of students were killed by government forces. Later that year, Mexico hosted the Olympic Games, an event that coincided with a growing awareness among young people and challenged the notion that their activism was merely a fleeting or eccentric movement.
Culturally, the 1960s saw the rise of pop music, the miniskirt, and underground cinema. Medical advancements included organ transplants and LSD. Crucially, television also became widespread. Imagine this: with a simple snap of your fingers, a black-and-white transmission could transform into color, revealing the vibrant hues of a tie, shirt, or even the technicians' attire.
The youth of the 1960s became acutely aware of their societal roles, leading to an explosion of new ideas. It was a decade of curiosity, peculiarity, and the unimaginable, a blend of social change, cultural creativity, and defiance of the status quo.
During the presidencies of Adolfo López Mateos and Gustavo Díaz Ordaz, a primary post-revolutionary economic objective was achieved: advancing economic development with macroeconomic stability. The years of Stabilizing Development saw an average annual economic growth of 6.6%, with an inflation rate of just 2.2%. This accomplishment is particularly striking when viewed against the backdrop of Latin America, where many nations faced economic and political crises.
The Stabilizing Development model, conceived by Antonio Ortiz Mena, focused on sustained growth with minimal inflation. It reinforced protectionism, essentially government measures to shield domestic industries from foreign competition, and fostered a mixed economy. This mixed economy, an alliance between government and businesses, focused on producing consumer goods and building infrastructure, a strategy that evolved from the earlier import substitution model.
The Mexican Miracle represented a significant transformation, shifting Mexico from a raw material exporter to a producer of industrialized goods. This boosted domestic industry and reinforced import substitution. This change was largely driven by the onset of World War II, as global powers redirected their economies toward the war effort, creating an opportunity for Mexico to industrialize and implement its substitution model.
During this period, seven key sectors were primarily developed: technical assistance, cement plants, fertilizer production, the textile sector, the energy sector, sugar production, and the petroleum industry. These industries formed the backbone of the Mexican economy, diversifying its base and creating employment. It's important to note that while these industries were largely private, they received significant support from public institutions like Nacional Financiera.
The Stabilizing Development was promoted as Mexico's leap from a developing to a developed nation. However, disparities in living standards and productivity persisted, indicating that the benefits of growth were not equitably distributed. The economic crisis that ultimately ended the Mexican Miracle was, in part, a consequence of the privileged class voraciously absorbing resources while simultaneously driving growth. This dynamic soon made it difficult to maintain the same pace of economic expansion and surplus.
Therefore, while the Stabilizing Development period brought impressive achievements and symbolized Mexico's potential, it also serves as a reminder of the limitations of development models that do not equitably address the needs of the entire population. The history of this era is a complex narrative of pride in accomplishments and regret over missed opportunities for more enduring transformation.
In 1945, World War II was underway, and Mexico's participation was primarily through the Expeditionary Air Force's 201st Squadron, alongside supplying essential goods to the Allied powers. This squadron conducted 96 combat missions supporting Allied ground forces. The Allied powers included Great Britain, the United States, and the Soviet Union, while Germany, Italy, and Japan were on the opposing side. While Mexico's direct engagement might not have been extensive, its air power provided significant assistance.
On December 27, 1950, the Chamber of Deputies approved a law granting the president the authority to regulate industrial and commercial activities, a step towards reorganizing them for improved production in the coming years. A significant political development during the Mexican Miracle era was the recognition of women's suffrage in 1953. This achievement stemmed from the persistent organization and participation of women in feminist forums, demanding their civic rights. Over 20,000 women gathered to fight for their right to vote, a right that had been denied for decades, as household decisions were primarily made by husbands or fathers.
This recognition of women's suffrage marked a turning point, allowing women to gain more prominence in public life and have their voices heard in various situations. A crucial event, particularly for farmers, was the presidential decree in August 1954 that prohibited the drilling of new wells and the extraction of groundwater in Mexico City to prevent further subsidence.
In 1955, a campaign was launched to eradicate malaria, a disease caused by the Plasmodium parasite transmitted by infected mosquitoes, similar in transmission to what we now know as dengue. It's also worth noting that on December 2, 1969, President Gustavo Díaz Ordaz inaugurated the Bank of Mexico's banknote factory. He, along with his Secretary of Finance Antonio Ortiz Mena, highlighted how this fulfilled Article 28 of the 1917 Constitution, which establishes that banknotes are issued by a single government-controlled bank. While the Bank of Mexico had held this authority since 1925, the actual printing of banknotes was previously done abroad.
Throughout the years encompassed by the Mexican Miracle, education underwent significant and lasting changes. This period saw six presidents, with Lázaro Cárdenas often considered one of the most emblematic, even regarded by some as Mexico's best president. The state-provided education was intended to be socialist, excluding religious doctrine and combating fanaticism by fostering a rational understanding of the universe and social life.
Recognizing that simply imitating foreign educational models was insufficient, there was an effort to adapt them to Mexican society, similar to educational initiatives implemented elsewhere and later applied in Mexico. The education sector underwent a substantial shift, driven by the perception that heightened social tensions necessitated conciliating affected sectors from previous administrations. This was the approach of Manuel Ávila Camacho, aiming to strengthen national unity and morally prepare children and youth, often framing these efforts as beneficial to young people in exchange for their use in controlling and repressing masses.
The goal was to cultivate Mexican traditions and core values, which required collaboration with the private sector. This led to the Organic Law of Public Education on January 6, 1942, a precursor to later reforms of Article 3 of the Constitution. By 1949, under Miguel Alemán, the Secretary of Public Education, Manuel Gual Vidal, declared that the Secretariat had focused on international educational ideals, making them central to teaching activities. The majority of SEP's resources were allocated to these objectives, continuing campaigns from previous regimes.
Additionally, efforts were made to reduce textbook costs and promote school savings, along with the creation of school cooperatives. Later, Adolfo Ruiz Cortínez issued the Organic Law of Public Education, reiterating the importance of the presidential criteria and paving the way for constitutional reform. Adolfo López Mateos, in contrast, re-emphasized the critical need to organize the national educational system.
Even after 18 years of campaigns against illiteracy, progress remained slow, and complete eradication seemed distant. During his tenure, despite other pressing concerns, a primary objective was to define clear goals and allocate more resources to substantially improve primary education. This aimed to provide educational services to all school-aged children and energetically combat illiteracy.
The plan also involved increasing the effectiveness of normal schools and establishing new ones in the provinces to ensure a steady supply of well-prepared teachers. Furthermore, it sought to develop agricultural training for farmers and accelerate technical training for workers, revealing a capitalist ideology. Lastly, Gustavo Díaz Ordaz, alongside the controversial events of October 2, 1968, at the Plaza de las Tres Culturas in Tlatelolco, saw an expansion of the educational system, albeit at a slower pace than his predecessor.
The "Plan de 11 años" aimed to improve primary education, but tragically, 2 million children remained without access. The proposal for comprehensive educational reform effectively closed this era, marking it as one of great national misfortune.
Following the Mexican Miracle, in 1976, Mexico experienced one of its most severe currency devaluations in history. This was primarily due to a decline in oil prices, which were the country's main source of income. The devaluation had a significant impact on the Mexican economy and the daily lives of its citizens.
Other notable events of the 1970s included the presidencies of Luis Echeverría in 1970 and José López Portillo in 1976. Transportation saw advancements with the inauguration of the Mexico City Metro in 1971 and the Metrobús system in 1977, promoted as faster and safer travel options. The Law on Association for Family Planning took effect on January 1, 1979, an initiative likely implemented to address the rapid population growth Mexico experienced during that decade.
After the Mexican Miracle and its period of economic growth, Mexico faced a series of economic challenges, including a debt crisis in the 1980s, liberalization in the 1990s, and entry into the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). These shifts brought both opportunities and difficulties, marking a significant evolution in Mexico's economic trajectory.
On July 8, 1976, a significant blow was dealt to freedom of expression in Mexico when Julio Scherer García and his team at the newspaper *Excélsior* faced an attack due to their sharp criticism of Luis Echeverría Álvarez's government. In 1981, President José López Portillo declared there would be no devaluation, stating, "I will fight like a dog to keep the peso stable. I don't want to reward speculators. There is a conspiracy against our peso."
The pursuit of equal opportunities and well-being are fundamental principles for societies striving for justice, yet defining the elements that contribute to achieving these goals is complex. Education is undeniably one of the most crucial. It's evident that educational equality and universality in Mexico remain elusive, with significant regional disparities observed.
The lack of adequate education is widely recognized as a primary factor perpetuating and exacerbating poverty in Latin American countries. Therefore, education must be considered a key sector for Mexico's integration into global commerce, fostering free competition, and simultaneously advancing a national development project.
This context justifies in-depth studies on education, aiming for educational authorities to avoid repeating past mistakes and for the academic community to seek objective interpretations of the education system's actual functions. These observations hold true for subsequent years, although significant changes have been limited, with many similarities to our past.
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